Are social media
responsible for the uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia? Interesting question
indeed. What role did social media play in last year’s riots across the UK or
in Vancouver during the race for the Stanley Cup? Here’s my take.
I don’t question
that social media played a role in Egypt, Tunisia, the UK and Vancouver. I
might even argue that social media were both spark and accelerant, playing an
integral role in five key ways.
Social media: spark and accelerant
1. From flashpoint to grassroots mobilization
One cannot discount
that three decades of despotic rule were already fuelling Egypt’s revolutionary
fire. Conditions in that country were conducive to protests even before Egypt
decided to block Twitter and Facebook and shut down the Internet and mobile
devices. Yet, social media did play an instrumental role in organizing and
mobilizing people. There was, among these revolutionaries, a sense of solidarity:
social networks gave that solidarity a voice. In Tunisia, likewise, corruption
and unemployment were the rallying point. The same is true in Britain, where
there was chronic economic malaise, police brutality, a lack of jobs and a growing
chasm between rich and poor. In sum, the climate in all three nations had
reached a flashpoint, and, in all three, protests were organized and supported
through Twitter and Facebook.
Britain
distinguishes itself from Tunisia and Egypt on one key aspect, however. Some point
to ideological differences as the reason: in the Arab world, social media
facilitated the overthrow of dictators and despots. In the West, on the other
hand, protesters are rioters, looters and opponents crying out against
capitalism and corporations. They use social media not as a tool to catalyze
pro-democracy change, but as a tool to coordinate attacks, stay ahead of
authorities, and direct others to areas of untapped riches.
Since a riot is
highly unlikely to alter the outcome of a hockey game, it is a bit of a stretch
to compare the riots across the UK to those in Vancouver. Drawing a comparison is
not the point, however; rather, it’s likely that the rioters in Britain, like
the revolutionaries in Egypt and Tunisia, feeling disadvantaged and powerless, hoped
their actions just might bring about political change, and hence their use of
social media.
2. Organize the rise of civil society active citizenship
In Egypt, volumes
of information flowed from such social networks as Facebook, Twitter and
YouTube. That Mubarak’s regime fell in a mere 18 days speaks to the potent—and
astonishing—impact of social media. Yet bloggers and digital activists, under
violent repression, had been working on reform for some time.
Similarly, in
Tunisia, Facebook was the tool for organizing activists and sharing videos,
which were then migrated into Posterous, uploaded to YouTube and shared on
Twitter. In fact, young Tunisians are so prolific online that the Tunisian
government felt compelled to block and disrupt bloggers and anyone else deemed
an opponent.
3. Counter rumor and propaganda
As the burgeoning
revolution in Tunisia gathered momentum, the minister of youth and sports,
known as @slim404 on Twitter, inspired bloggers by providing insight into
Tunisia’s inner workings and shedding light on the position of police, looters
and snipers.
In Egypt, thirty
years of despotism and abuses by police and state security officials were so
common that the case of Khaled Said, beaten by police and left dead on a street
in Alexandria, was a ready rallying point for a diverse network of outraged
Egyptians. Among these was 30-year-old Google executive Wael Ghonim, whose
Facebook page “We Are All Khaled Said” not only undermined official
explanations of Said’s death, but also tracked other accounts of police abuses,
wrongful arrests, torture in detention and corrupt government. Ghonim became a
symbol of Egypt’s pro-democracy uprising after he launched the original
Facebook page credited with sparking the initial protest.
“If you want to
liberate a country, give them the Internet,” says Ghonim, fully aware of the
power of social media to catalyze pro-democracy movements.
Facebook acted like
an accelerant to conditions already present within Egypt and helped organize
revolutionaries inside the country. At the same time, Twitter and YouTube
amplified messages, helping to disseminate them to the world and galvanize
international support. In addition, social media also transmitted hope to other
repressed nations in the Middle East, caused shifts in foreign policy and had
an impact on traditional media.
4. Resetting the narrative
The relationship
between social media and traditional media is undeniable. Not only did Al
Jazeera make its news available—for free—to other broadcast media, but consider
also the New-York based blogger who debunked the notion that then-president
Hosni Mubarak had engaged young men to toss Cairo in an attempt to make the
protests seem like dangerous anarchy. She urged the media to use the words revolt, uprising and revolution
rather than unrest and chaos. Soon after her interview with
CNN, the network changed its headlines: Chaos
Uprising in Egypt.
Although mainstream
media are more open across the UK than it is in the Arab world, the riots in
the UK are no less interesting a case study. This is because local voices, for
the most part, were not represented in mainstream media, although they expressed—sometimes
vociferously—their concerns over unemployment and inequality across the social
web.
Each of these
examples demonstrates clearly to what extent social media reset the narrative.
5. Reshaping foreign policy
When faced with the
possibility that an ally’s government could fall, Washington has, more often
than not, sided with the authority in power. Yet, given the copious amounts of
information coming out of Egypt in favour of the protesters, Washington could
not downplay what was happening and consequently altered its position, no
longer explicitly expressing its support of Mubarak.
Viral violence or viral silence?
In Egypt and
Tunisia, the social web increased the speed at which events unfolded and, in
the UK and Vancouver, summer riots were allegedly exacerbated by social media
such as Facebook and Twitter. Yet, in evaluating social media’s role in times
of unrest—whether in the Middle East or in the West—one has to wonder how
prudent it is to shut down social networks. Doing so during times of public
unrest could have effects as deleterious as viral noise, warns the four-member Riots
Communities and Victims Panel when asked to report on the five days of rioting in the
UK.
The question of
viral violence versus viral silence also underlines the double standard in
social media. Used by protesters to overthrow corrupt regimes in Egypt and Tunisia,
social media made possible citizen journalism when mainstream media were shut
down. Again, social media reshaped the narrative and were lauded as tools for
democracy. Yet, these same communication tools, when used in the West, were
condemned.
The condemnation
may be hasty, however. It is true that social media are used to share ideas,
thoughts and other digital content, including video. It is also true that, used
this way, social media document the chronology of events “on the ground”. At
the same time, however, one mustn’t forget that this same user-created content
may constitute evidence.
While social media did accelerate events and document the
worst of the violence in the UK and in Vancouver, it should also be noted that
they are being used to identify the worst of the culprits and bring them to
justice. Facebook user and Vancouverite Robert Gorcak created a Facebook page
titled “Vancouver Riot Pics: Post Your Photos” to gather photos of the
perpetrators in the hopes of bringing them to justice. Fans of the page, who
number over 70,000, took screen captures of Facebook status updates posted by
rioters.
The Vancouver
Police Department took to social media and sent out Tweets asking people for photos to help identify riot
suspects. In November 2011, the department thanked individuals for sharing their digital evidence. (At the
time of this writing, 207 criminal charges have been laid against 78 suspects.)
Similarly, British
police are posting photos taken by surveillance and security cameras to their
website in the hope of identifying and convicting hooligans and looters. As in
Vancouver, Britons are using Facebook and Twitter to help identify suspected
rioters.
I’m not here to
discuss whether social media should be used as an extension of local law
enforcement any more than I’m here to justify—or condemn—the ushering in of a
new era in cyber surveillance. What I will
say, however is that social media, whether tools for good or evil, are not
only alternative forms of communication, but also, due to their ubiquity, a fact
of life.
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